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SOURCE: AFI

On March 26, 2025, Pakistan’s Space and Upper Atmosphere Research Commission (Suparco) issued a statement predicting that Eidul Fitr would likely fall on March 31, based on scientific parameters indicating a high probability of moon sighting on March 30. What might have been a routine astronomical forecast quickly turned into a lightning rod for ridicule across the border, as Indian social media users seized the opportunity to mock Pakistan’s space agency, reigniting a decades-old rivalry in space exploration.

Suparco’s statement read, “Given scientific parameters, the likelihood of moon sighting on March 30, 2025 in Pakistan was high. Consequently, Ramazan is expected to complete 29 days, and the first day of Eidul Fitr will likely be observed on 31 March 2025.” The agency, tasked with advancing Pakistan’s space research, based its prediction on astronomical models—a task it has performed for years to assist the nation’s moon-sighting committees. But for many in India, the announcement was less about science and more about an opportunity to highlight the disparity between Suparco and its Indian counterpart, the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO).

Within hours, Indian Twitter users and online forums erupted with sarcasm. “Suparco’s biggest achievement of 2025: predicting the moon might show up. Meanwhile, ISRO’s planning lunar landings,” quipped one user. Another posted, “Pakistan’s space agency is busy spotting the moon while ours is spotting galaxies. Priorities, I guess.” Memes flooded the internet, including one juxtaposing a grainy image of a telescope labeled “Suparco” with a sleek spacecraft labeled “ISRO.” The mockery tapped into a long-standing narrative: India’s space program has soared to global prominence, while Pakistan’s has struggled to keep pace.

The contrast is stark. ISRO, established in 1969—eight years after Suparco—has notched up milestones like the Chandrayaan missions, Mars Orbiter Mission, and a record-breaking launch of 104 satellites in a single mission. Suparco, founded in 1961 with early promise under U.S. collaboration, saw its momentum falter after the 1970s due to funding cuts, shifting national priorities, and a focus on military applications over civilian space exploration. Its most notable achievement remains the 1990 launch of Badr-1, Pakistan’s first satellite, with Chinese assistance—a far cry from India’s current capabilities.

Indian commentators didn’t hold back. “Suparco predicting Eid is like a kid with a toy telescope bragging next to a Hubble,” one post read, while another jibed, “At this rate, Suparco’s next mission will be to confirm the sun rises in the east.” The taunts weren’t just about technical prowess; they carried a nationalist edge, with some users linking Suparco’s modest output to broader critiques of Pakistan’s governance and economy. “When your space agency’s biggest flex is a moon calendar, you know where the budget’s going,” one remarked, alluding to Pakistan’s defense-heavy spending.

Pakistan’s online defenders fired back, albeit in smaller numbers. “Suparco’s doing its job—supporting cultural needs. Not every space agency needs to chase Mars,” one user argued. Others pointed out that moon-sighting forecasts align with Suparco’s mandate to apply space science practically, a role it has fulfilled since its early days. Still, the rebuttals were drowned out by the deluge of Indian scorn, which painted Suparco as a symbol of stagnation against ISRO’s meteoric rise.

The episode underscores more than just a technological gap—it’s a cultural flashpoint in the India-Pakistan rivalry. For India, ISRO’s success is a source of pride, a marker of progress that extends beyond borders with commercial launches for global clients. For Pakistan, Suparco’s struggles reflect broader challenges, though its supporters argue it’s unfair to judge an agency with a fraction of ISRO’s resources. As one Pakistani user noted, “Suparco’s budget is pocket change compared to ISRO’s. Mocking it is punching down.”

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