How India Should Procure F-35 Jets Similar to Israel’s F-35I Adir: A Strategic Blueprint

SOURCE: AFI

India’s quest for a robust and modern air force has gained significant momentum in recent years, driven by rising regional tensions and the need to counter sophisticated adversaries like China and Pakistan. With the United States recently signaling its willingness to offer the Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning II to India, a unique opportunity has emerged for New Delhi to bolster its stealth capabilities. However, to maximize the strategic value of this potential acquisition, India could look to emulate Israel’s approach with its customized F-35I Adir variant. This article explores how India could procure F-35 jets tailored to its specific needs, akin to Israel’s model, and delves into what makes the F-35I Adir a standout among the global F-35 fleet.

Israel’s procurement of the F-35I Adir offers a compelling example of how a nation can adapt a foreign-built platform to align with its unique security requirements while maintaining operational independence. Unlike most F-35 operators, Israel negotiated significant concessions from the United States and Lockheed Martin, allowing it to integrate indigenous systems and establish a degree of self-reliance. This approach has made the F-35I Adir distinct from other variants, such as the standard F-35A, F-35B, and F-35C used by the U.S. and its allies.

The F-35I Adir’s uniqueness lies in several key modifications:

1. Indigenous Electronic Warfare Systems: Israel insisted on integrating its own electronic warfare (EW) suite, including sensors and countermeasures, developed by companies like Elbit Systems and Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI). This enhances the jet’s ability to operate in contested environments, countering advanced radar and missile threats specific to Israel’s regional adversaries.
2. Customized Weapons Integration: The Adir can carry Israeli-made munitions, such as air-to-air missiles and precision-guided bombs, seamlessly integrated into its internal weapons bays. This ensures compatibility with Israel’s existing arsenal and reduces dependency on U.S.-supplied weaponry.
3. Advanced Data Link and Processing: The F-35I features a tailored datalink system optimized for Israel’s command-and-control architecture, allowing real-time information sharing with other Israeli Air Force (IAF) assets like F-15s and F-16s. Its enhanced data processing capabilities amplify situational awareness, a critical advantage in Israel’s fast-paced operational tempo.
4. Stealth with Flexibility: While retaining the F-35’s core stealth features—low radar cross-section and sensor fusion—Israel added external conformal fuel tanks to extend range, addressing the need to strike distant targets like those in Iran, over 1,700 kilometers away.
5. Independent Maintenance Infrastructure: Israel established its own supply chain and maintenance facilities for the F-35I, minimizing reliance on the global F-35 sustainment network managed by Lockheed Martin and the U.S. This autonomy ensures operational readiness even during geopolitical disruptions.

These adaptations have proven their worth in combat. Since its operational debut in 2018, the F-35I has been used in missions over Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen, including a notable intercept of a Houthi cruise missile in 2023—the first of its kind by an F-35 globally. Israel’s ability to tailor the jet to its needs has made the Adir a cornerstone of its aerial dominance.

For India to procure F-35s akin to the F-35I Adir, it must adopt a strategic approach that balances U.S. export restrictions with its own defense priorities, particularly under the Atmanirbhar Bharat (self-reliant India) initiative. Here’s a roadmap:

1. Negotiate Customization Rights: India should push for access to the F-35’s avionics architecture, similar to Israel’s plug-and-play setup, to integrate indigenous systems. This could include the Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL) Astra missile, DRDO-developed EW suites, and the BNET software-defined radio (SDR) for secure communications. Such integration would ensure interoperability with India’s existing fleet, including the Su-30 MKI, Rafale, and Tejas.
2. Secure Partial Source Code Access: While the U.S. retains full control of the F-35’s source code, Israel secured partial access to modify software for its needs. India should demand a similar arrangement to adapt the jet’s mission data files—critical for identifying threats specific to China and Pakistan—without relying solely on U.S. updates.
3. Establish Local Maintenance and Production: Israel’s independent supply chain is a key lesson. India could negotiate with Lockheed Martin to set up an F-35 maintenance, repair, and overhaul (MRO) facility in-country, potentially involving Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL). Additionally, co-production of components, as Israel did with IAI manufacturing F-35 wings, could offset costs and boost India’s defense industry.
4. Leverage U.S. Aid or Government-to-Government Deals: Israel’s F-35 purchases are partly funded through U.S. military aid. While India doesn’t receive direct aid, it could structure the deal as a government-to-government (G2G) agreement, akin to the Rafale procurement from France, ensuring competitive pricing (around $110 million per unit, as with the Adir) and expedited delivery.
5. Address Integration Challenges: India’s diverse arsenal—spanning Russian, French, and indigenous platforms—poses integration hurdles. The F-35’s compatibility with Russian S-400 systems, already in India’s inventory, remains a concern due to U.S. sensitivities. India could emulate Israel’s approach by isolating F-35 operations geographically or operationally from S-400 deployments, such as assigning them to western or southern sectors away from S-400 coverage in the north.
6. Balance with Indigenous Programs: Critics argue that buying F-35s could undermine India’s Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA), a fifth-generation stealth fighter in development. However, with AMCA induction projected for the mid-2030s, the F-35 could serve as an interim solution to bridge the IAF’s fighter squadron gap (currently at 31 against a sanctioned 42). India could limit the procurement to 36-50 jets—two squadrons—while channeling resources into AMCA.

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